Early Western Travels, 1748-1846/Volume 1/Croghan's Journal (1765) - Wikisource, the free online library (2024)

Croghan's Journal, 1765[1]

May 15th, 1765.—I set off from fort Pitt with two batteaux, and encamped at Chartier's Island, in the Ohio, three miles below Fort Pitt.[2]

16th.—Being joined by the deputies of the Senecas, Shawnesse, and Delawares, that were to accompany me, we set off at seven o'clock in the morning, and at ten o'clock arrived at the Logs Town, an old settlement of the Shawnesse, about seventeen miles from Fort Pitt, where we put ashore, and viewed the remains of that village, which was situated on a high bank, on the south side of the Ohio river, a fine fertile country round it. At 11 o'clock we re-embarked and proceeded down the Ohio to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, about ten miles below the Logs Town: this creek empties itself between two fine rich bottoms, a mile wide on each side from the banks of the river to the highlands. About a mile below the mouth of Beaver Creek we passed an old settlement of the Delawares, where the French, in 1756, built a town for that nation. On the north side of the river some of the stone chimneys are yet remaining; here the highlands come close to the banks and continue so for about five miles. After which we passed several spacious bottoms on each side of the river, and came to Little Beaver Creek, about fifteen miles below Big Beaver Creek. A number of small rivulets fall into the river on each side. From thence we sailed to Yellow Creek,[3] being about fifteen miles from the last mentioned creek; here andthere the hills come close to the banks of the river on eachside, but where there are bottoms, they are very large,and well watered; numbers of small rivulets runningthrough them, falling into the Ohio on both sides. Weencamped on the river bank, and found a great part of thetrees in the bottom are covered with grape vines. Thisday we passed by eleven islands, one of which being aboutseven miles long. For the most part of the way we madethis day, the banks of the river are high and steep. Thecourse of the Ohio from Fort Pitt to the mouth of BeaverCreek inclines to the north-west; from thence to the twocreeks partly due west.

17th.—At 6 o'clock in the morning we embarked: andwere delighted with the prospect of a fine open countryon each side of the river as we passed down. We cameto a place called the Two Creeks, about fifteen miles fromYellow Creek, where we put to shore; here the Senecashave a village on a high bank, on the north side of theriver; the chief of this village offered me his service to gowith me to the Illinois, which I could not refuse for fearof giving him offence, although I had a sufficient numberof deputies with me already.[4] From thence we proceededdown the river, passed many large, rich, and finebottoms; the highlands being at a considerable distance from the river banks, till we came to the Buffalo Creek,being about ten miles below the Seneca village; and fromBuffalo Creek, we proceeded down the river to Fat MeatCreek, about thirty miles.[5] The face of the countryappears much like what we met with before; large, rich, andwell watered bottoms, then succeeded by the hills pinchingclose on the river; these bottoms, on the north side,appear rather low, and consequently subject to inundations,in the spring of the year, when there never fail to behigh freshes in the Ohio, owing to the melting of the snows.This day we passed by ten fine islands, though the greatestpart of them are small. They lay much higher out ofthe water than the main land, and of course less subjectto be flooded by the freshes. At night we encamped nearan Indian village. The general course of the river from theTwo Creeks to Fat Meat Creek inclines to the southwest.

18th.—At 6 o'clock, A.M. we set off in our batteaux; the country on both sides of the river appears delightful; the hills are several miles from the river banks, and consequently the bottoms large; the soil, timber, and banks of the river, much like those we have before described; about fifty miles below Fat Meat Creek, we enter the long reach, where the river runs a straight course for twenty miles, and makes a delightful prospect; the banks continue high; the country on both sides, level, rich, and well watered. At the lower end of the reach we encamped.[6] This day we passed nine islands, some of which are large, and lie high out of the water.

19th.—We decamped at six in the morning, and sailedto a place called the Three Islands, being about fifteenmiles from our last encampment; here the highlands comeclose to the river banks, and the bottoms for the mostpart—till we come to the Muskingum (or Elk)[7] river—arebut narrow: this river empties itself into the Ohioabout fifteen miles below the Three Islands; the banks ofthe river continue steep, and the country is level, forseveral miles back from the river. The course of theriver from Fat Meat Creek to Elk River, is about southwestand by south. We proceeded down the river aboutfifteen miles, to the mouth of Little Conhawa River, withlittle or no alteration in the face of the country; here weencamped in a fine rich bottom, after having passedfourteen islands, some of them large, and mostly lyinghigh out of the water.[8] Here buffaloes, bears, turkeys,with all other kinds of wild game are extremely plenty. A good hunter, without much fatigue to himself, couldhere supply daily one hundred men with meat. Thecourse of the Ohio, from Elk River to Little Conhawa, isabout south.

20th.—At six in the morning we embarked in ourboats, and proceeded down to the mouth of Hochockenor Bottle River,[9] where we were obliged to encamp,having a strong head wind against us. We made buttwenty miles this day, and passed by five very fine islands,the country the whole way being rich and level, with highand steep banks to the rivers. From here I despatchedan Indian to the Plains of Scioto, with a letter to theFrench traders from the Illinois residing there, amongstthe Shawnesse, requiring them to come and join me at themouth of Scioto, in order to proceed with me to theirown country, and take the oaths of allegiance to hisBritannic Majesty, as they were now become his subjects, and had no right to trade there without license.At the same time I sent messages to the Shawnesse Indiansto oblige the French to come to me in case of refusal.

21st.—We embarked at half past 8 o'clock in the morning, and sailed to a place called the Big Bend, aboutthirty-five miles below Bottle River. The course of theOhio, from Little Conhawa River to Big Bend, is aboutsouth-west by south. The country hereabouts abounds with buffalo, bears, deer, and all sorts of wild game, in suchplenty, that we killed out of our boats as much as wewanted. We proceeded down the river to the BuffaloBottom, about ten miles from the beginning of the BigBend, where we encamped. The country on both sidesof the river, much the same as we passed the day before. This day we passed nine islands, all lying high out of thewater.

22d.—At half an hour past 5 o'clock, set off and sailedto a place, called Alum Hill, so called from the greatquantity of that mineral found there by the Indians; thisplace lies about ten miles from Buffalo Bottom;[10] thencewe sailed to the mouth of Great Conhawa River,[11]being ten miles from the Alum Hill. The course of theriver, from the Great Bend to this place, is mostly west;from hence we proceeded down to Little GuyondottRiver, where we encamped, about thirty miles from GreatConhawa; the country still fine and level; the bank of theriver high, with abundance of creeks and rivulets fallinginto it. This day we passed six fine islands. In theevening one of our Indians discovered three Cherokeesnear our encampment, which obliged our Indians to keep out a good guard the first part of the night. Our partybeing pretty strong, I imagine the Cherokees were afraid to attack us, and so ran off.

23d.—Decamped about five in the morning, andarrived at Big Guyondott, twenty miles from our lastencampment: the country as of yesterday; from hence weproceeded down to Sandy River being twenty milesfurther; thence to the mouth of Scioto, about forty milesfrom the last mentioned river. The general course ofthe river from Great Conhawa to this place inclines tothe south-west. The soil rich, the country level, andthe banks of the river high. The soil on the banks ofScioto, for a vast distance up the country, is prodigiousrich, the bottoms very wide, and in the spring of the year,many of them are flooded, so that the river appears tobe two or three miles wide. Bears, deer, turkeys, andmost sorts of wild game, are very plenty on the banks ofthis river. On the Ohio, just below the mouth of Scioto,on a high bank, near forty feet, formerly stood the Shawnessetown, called the Lower Town, which was all carriedaway, except three or four houses, by a great floodin the Scioto. I was in the town at the time, though thebanks of the Ohio were so high, the water was nine feeton the top, which obliged the whole town to take to theircanoes, and move with their effects to the hills. TheShawnesse afterwards built their town on the oppositeside of the river, which, during the French war, theyabandoned, for fear of the Virginians, and removed to theplains on Scioto. The Ohio is about one hundred yardswider here than at Fort Pitt, which is but a small augumentation,considering the great number of rivers and creeks,that fall into it during the course of four hundred andtwenty miles; and as it deepens but very little, I imagine the water sinks, though there is no visible appearance ofit. In general all the lands on the Scioto River, as well asthe bottoms on Ohio, are too rich for any thing but hemp,flax, or Indian corn.[12]v

24th, 25th, and 26th.—Stayed at the mouth of Scioto,waiting for the Shawnesse and French traders, whoarrived here on the evening of the 26th, in consequence of the message I sent them from Hochocken, or BottleCreek.[13]

27th.—The Indians requested me to stay this day,which I could not refuse.

28th.—We set off: passing down the Ohio, the countryon both sides the river level; the banks continue high. This day we came sixty miles; passed no islands. Theriver being wider and deeper, we drove all night.

29th.—We came to the little Miame River, having proceeded sixty miles last night.

30th.—We passed the Great Miame River, aboutthirty miles from the little river of that name, and in the evening arrived at the place where the Elephants' bones are found, where we encamped, intending to take a view ofthe place next morning. This day we came aboutseventy miles. The country on both sides level, and rich bottoms well watered.

31st.—Early in the morning we went to the great Lick, where those bones are only found, about four miles from the river, on the south-east side. In our way we passed through a fine timbered clear wood; we came into a large road which the Buffaloes have beaten, spacious enough for two waggons to go abreast, and leading straight into the Lick.It appears that there are vast quantities of these bones lying five or six feet under ground, which we discovered in the bank, at the edge of the Lick. We found here two tusks above six feet long; we carried one, with some other bones, to our boats, and set off.[14] This day we proceeded down the river about eighty miles, through a country much the same as already described, since we passed the Scioto. In this day's journey we passed the mouth of the River Kentucky, or Holsten's River.[15] June 1st.—We arrived within a mile of the Falls ofOhio, where we encamped, after coming about fiftymiles this day.

2d.—Early in the morning we embarked, and passedthe Falls. The river being very low we were obliged tolighten our boats, and pass on the north side of a littleisland, which lays in the middle of the river. In general,what is called the Fall here, is no more than rapids; andin the least fresh, a batteau of any size may come and goon each side without any risk.[16] This day we proceededsixty miles, in the course of which we passed PidgeonRiver. The country pretty high on each side of the RiverOhio.

3d.—In the forepart of this day's course, we passedhigh lands; about mid-day we came to a fine, flat, andlevel country, called by the Indians the Low Lands; nohills to be seen. We came about eighty miles this day,and encamped.

4th.—We came to a place called the Five Islands; theseislands are very long, and succeed one another in a chain;the country still flat and level, the soil exceedingly rich, and well watered. The highlands are at least fifty miles

from the banks of the Ohio. In this day's course wepassed about ninety miles, the current being very strong.

5th.—Having passed the Five Islands, we came to aplace called the Owl River. Came about forty miles thisday. The country the same as yesterday.

6th.—We arrived at the mouth of the Ouabache,[17]where we found a breast-work erected, supposed to bedone by the Indians. The mouth of this river is abouttwo hundred yards wide, and in its course runs throughone of the finest countries in the world, the lands beingexceedingly rich, and well watered; here hemp might beraised in immense quantities. All the bottoms, andalmost the whole country abounds with great plenty ofthe white and red mulberry tree. These trees are to befound in great plenty, in all places between the mouth ofScioto and the Ouabache: the soil of the latter affordsthis tree in plenty as far as Ouicatonon, and some fewon the Miame River. Several large fine islands lie in theOhio, opposite the mouth of the Ouabache, the banks ofwhich are high, and consequently free from inundations;hence we proceeded down the river about six miles toencamp, as I judged some Indians were sent to way-layus, and came to a place called the Old Shawnesse Village, some of that nation having formerly lived there.[18] Inthis day's proceedings we came about seventy-six miles.The general course of the river; from Scioto to this place, is south-west.

7th.—We stayed here and despatched two Indians tothe Illinois by land, with letters to Lord Frazer, an Englishofficer, who had been sent there from Fort Pitt, andMonsieur St. Ange,[19] the French commanding officer atFort Chartres, and some speeches to the Indians there,letting them know of my arrival here; that peace was madebetween us and the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawnesse,and of my having a number of deputies of thosenations along with me, to conclude matters with themalso on my arrival there. This day one of my men wentinto the woods and lost himself.[20]

8th.—At day-break we were attacked by a party of Indians, consisting of eighty warriors of the Kiccapoos and Musquattimes,[21] who killed two of my men and three Indians, wounded myself and all the rest of my party, except two white men and one Indian; then made myself and all the white men prisoners, plundering us of every thing we had. A deputy of the Shawnesse who was shot through the thigh, having concealed himself in the woods for a few minutes after he was wounded—not knowing but they were Southern Indians, who are always at war with the northward Indians—after discovering what nation they were, came up to them and made a very bold speech, telling them that the whole northward Indians would join in taking revenge for the insult and murder of their people; this alarmed those savages very much, who began excusing themselves, saying their fathers, the French, had spirited them up, telling them that the Indians were coming with a body of southern Indians to take their country from them, and enslave them; that it was this that induced them to commit this outrage. After dividing the plunder, (they left great part of the heaviest effects behind, not being able to carry them,) they set off with us to their village at Ouattonon, in a great hurry, being in dread of pursuit from a large party of Indians they suspected were coming after me. Our course was through a thick woody country, crossing a great many swamps, morasses, and beaver ponds. We traveled this day about forty-two miles.

9th.—An hour before day we set out on our march;passed through thick woods, some highlands, and smallsavannahs, badly watered. Traveled this day aboutthirty miles.

10th.—We set out very early in the morning, andmarched through a high country, extremely well timbered,for three hours; then came to a branch of the Ouabache,which we crossed.[22] The remainder of this day wetraveled through fine rich bottoms, overgrown with reeds,which make the best pasture in the world, the youngreeds being preferable to sheaf oats. Here is greatplenty of wild game of all kinds. Came this day abouttwenty-eight, or thirty miles.

11th.—At day-break we set off, making our waythrough a thin woodland, interspersed with savannahs. Isuffered extremely by reason of the excessive heat of theweather, and scarcity of water; the little springs and runsbeing dried up. Traveled this day about thirty miles.

12th.—We passed through some large savannahs, andclear woods; in the afternoon we came to the Ouabache;then marched along it through a prodigious rich bottom,overgrown with reeds and wild hemp; all this bottom iswell watered, and an exceeding fine hunting ground.Came this day about thirty miles.

13th.—About an hour before day we set out; traveled through such bottoms as of yesterday, and through some large meadows, where no trees, for several miles together, are to be seen. Buffaloes, deer, and bears are here in great plenty. We traveled about twenty-six miles this day.

14th.—The country we traveled through this day,appears the same as described yesterday, excepting thisafternoon's journey through woodland, to cut off a bendof the river. Came about twenty-seven miles this day.

15th.—We set out very early, and about one o'clockcame to the Ouabache, within six or seven miles of PortVincent.[23] On my arrival there, I found a village ofabout eighty or ninety French families settled on the eastside of this river, being one of the finest situations that canbe found. The country is level and clear, and the soilvery rich, producing wheat and tobacco. I think thelatter preferable to that of Maryland or Virginia. TheFrench inhabitants hereabouts, are an idle, lazy people, aparcel of renegadoes from Canada, and are much worsethan the Indians. They took a secret pleasure at ourmisfortunes, and the moment we arrived, they came tothe Indians, exchanging trifles for their valuable plunder.As the savages took from me a considerable quantity of gold and silver in specie, the French traders extorted tenhalf johannes[24] from them for one pound of vermilion.Here is likewise an Indian village of the Pyankeshaws,[25]who were much displeased with the party that took me,telling them that "our and your chiefs are gone to makepeace, and you have begun a war, for which our womenand children will have reason to cry." From this postthe Indians permitted me to write to the commander, atFort Chartres, but would not suffer me to write to anybody else, (this I apprehend was a precaution of theFrench, lest their villany should be perceived too soon,)although the Indians had given me permission to writeto Sir William Johnson and Fort Pitt on our march,before we arrived at this place. But immediately afterour arrival they had a private council with the French, inwhich the Indians urged, (as they afterwards informed me,)that as the French had engaged them in so bad an affair,which was likely to bring a war on their nation, they nowexpected a proof of their promise and assistance. Thendelivered the French a scalp and part of the plunder, andwanted to deliver some presents to the Pyankeshaws, butthey refused to accept of any, and declared they would notbe concerned in the affair. This last information I gotfrom the Pyankeshaws, as I had been well acquaintedwith them several years before this time. either to the Illinois, or elsewhere, to fetch their necessaries.

16th.—We were obliged to stay here to get some littleapparel made up for us, and to buy some horses for ourjourney to Ouicatonon, promising payment at Detroit,for we could not procure horses from the French for hire;though we were greatly fatigued, and our spirits muchexhausted in our late march, they would lend us no assistance.

17th.—At mid-day we set out; traveling the first fivemiles through a fine thick wood. We traveled eighteenmiles this day, and encamped in a large, beautiful, wellwatered meadow.

18th and 19th.—We traveled through a prodigiouslarge meadow, called the Pyankeshaw's Hunting Ground:here is no wood to be seen, and the country appears likean ocean: the ground is exceedingly rich, and partlyovergrown with wild hemp; the land well watered, andfull of buffalo, deer, bears, and all kinds of wild game.

20th and 21st.—We passed through some very largemeadows, part of which belong to the Pyankeshaws onVermilion River; the country and soil much the same asthat we traveled over for these three days past, wild hempgrows here in abundance; the game very plenty: at anytime, in half an hour we could kill as much as we wanted.

22nd.—We passed through part of the same meadowas mentioned yesterday; then came to a high woodland,and arrived at Vermilion River, so called from a fine redearth found here by the Indians, with which they paintthemselves. About half a mile from the place where wecrossed this river, there is a village of Pyankeshaws, distinguishedby the addition of the name of the river. Wethen traveled about three hours, through a clear high woody country, but a deep and rich soil; then came to ameadow, where we encamped.

23d.—Early in the morning we set out through a finemeadow, then some clear woods; in the afternoon cameinto a very large bottom on the Ouabache, within sixmiles of Ouicatanon; here I met several chiefs of theKickapoos and Musquattimes, who spoke to their youngmen who had taken us, and reprimanded them severelyfor what they had done to me, after which they returnedwith us to their village, and delivered us all to their chiefs.

The distance from port Vincent to Ouicatanon is twohundred and ten miles. This place is situated on theOuabache. About fourteen French families are livingin the fort, which stands on the north side of the river.The Kickapoos and the Musquattimes, whose warriorshad taken us, live nigh the fort, on the same side of theriver, where they have two villages; and the Ouicatanonshave a village on the south side of the river. At ourarrival at this post, several of the Wawcottonans, (orOuicatonans) with whom I had been formerly acquainted,came to visit me, and seemed greatly concerned at whathad happened. They went immediately to the Kickapoosand Musquattimes, and charged them to take thegreatest care of us, till their chiefs should arrive from theIllinois, where they were gone to meet me some time ago,and who were entirely ignorant of this affair, and said theFrench had spirited up this party to go and strike us.

The French have a great influence over these Indians,and never fail in telling them many lies to the prejudice of his majesty's interest, by making the English nation odious and hateful to them. I had the greatest difficulties in removing these prejudices. As these Indians are a weak, foolish, and credulous people, they are easily im-posed on by a designing people, who have led them hitherto as they pleased. The French told them that as the southern Indians had for two years past made war on them, it must have been at the instigation of the English, who are a bad people. However I have been fortunate enough to remove their prejudice, and, in a great measure, their suspicions against the English. The country hereabouts is exceedingly pleasant, being open and clear for many miles; the soil very rich and well watered; all plants have a quick vegetation, and the climate very temperate through the winter. This post has always been a very considerable trading place. The great plenty of furs taken in this country, induced the French to establish this post, which was the first on the Ouabache, and by a very advantageous trade they have been richly recompensed for their labor.

On the south side of the Ouabache runs a big bank, in which are several fine coal mines, and behind this bank, is a very large meadow, clear for several miles. It is surprising what false information we have had respecting this country: some mention these spacious and beautiful meadows as large and barren savannahs. I apprehend it has been the artifice of the French to keep us ignorant of the country. These meadows bear fine wild grass, and wild hemp ten or twelve feet high, which, if properly manufactured, would prove as good, and answer all the purposes of the hemp we cultivate.[26]

July 1st—A Frenchman arrived from the Illinois with a Pipe and Speech from thence to the Kickapoos & Musquattamies, to have me Burnt, this Speech was saidto be sent from a Shawanese Ind^n who resides at theIlinois, & has been during the War, & is much attachedto the French interest. As soon as this Speech was deliveredto the Indians by the French, the Indians informedme of it in Council, & expressed their great concern forwhat had already happened, & told me they then sett me& my people at liberty, & assured me they despised themessage sent them, and would return the Pipe & Belt totheir Fathers the French, and enquire into the reason ofsuch a message being sent them by one of his messengers,& desired me to stay with them 'till the Deputies of theSix Nations, Shawanese & Delawares arrived with Pondiacat Ouiatonon in order to settle matters, to wh Iconsented.

From 4th to the 8th—I had several Conferences withthe Wawiotonans, Pyankeeshas, Kickapoos & Musquatamiesin which Conferences I was lucky enough toreconcile those Nations to his Majesties Interest & obtaintheir Consent and Approbation to take Possession of anyPosts in their country which the French formerly possessed& an offer of their service should any Nation oppose ourtaking possession of it, all which they confirmed by fourlarge Pipes.

11th—Mr Maisonville[27] arrived with an Interpreter & a message to the Indians to bring me & my party to theIlinois, till then I had no answer from Mr St. Ange to the letter I wrote him of the 16th June, as I wanted to goto the Ilinois, I desired the Chiefs to prepare themselves &set off with me as soon as possible.

12th—I wrote to General Gage[28] & Sir William Johnson,to Colo Campbell at Detroit, & Major Murray atFort Pitt & Major Firmer at Mobiel or on his way tothe Mississipi,[29] & acquainted [them with] every thingthat had happened since my departure from Ft. Pitt.

July 13th—The Chiefs of the Twightwees came to mefrom the Miamis and renewed their Antient Friendshipwith His Majesty & all his Subjects in America & confirmedit with a Pipe.

18th—I set off for the Ilinois with the Chiefs of allthose Nations when by the way we met with Pondiactogether with the Deputies of the Six Nations, Delawares& Shawanese, which accompanied Mr Frazier & myself down the Ohio & also Deputies with speeches from the four Nations living in the Ilinois Country to me & theSix Nations, Delawares & Shawanese, on which wereturn'd to Ouiatonon and there held another conference,in which I settled all matters with the Ilinois Indians—Pondiac& they agreeing to every thing the other Nationshad done, all which they confirmed by Pipes & Belts,but told me the French had informed them that the Englishintended to take their Country from them, & giveit to the Cherokees to settle on, & that if ever they sufferedthe English to take possession of their Countrythey would make slaves of them, that this was the reasonof their Opposing the English hitherto from taking possessionof Fort Chartres & induced them to tell Mr. LaGutrie & M^r Sinnott[30] that they would not let the Englishcome into their Country. But being informed sinceM^r Sinnott had retired by the Deputies of the Six Nations,Delawares & Shawanese, that every differencesubsisting between them & the English was now settled,they were willing to comply as the other Nationstheir Brethren had done and desired that their Father theKing of England might not look upon his taking possessionof the Forts which the French had formerly possestas a title for his subjects to possess their Country, as theynever had sold any part of it to the French, & that Imight rest satisfied that whenever the English came totake possession they would receive them with open arms.

July 25th.[31]—We set out from this place (after settling all matters happily with the natives) for the Miames,and traveled the whole way through a fine rich bottom,overgrown with wild hemp, alongside the Ouabache, tillwe came to Eel River, where we arrived the 27th. Aboutsix miles up this river is a small village of the Twightwee,situated on a very delightful spot of ground on the bankof the river. The Eel River heads near St. Joseph's, andruns nearly parallel to the Miames, and at some few milesdistance from it, through a fine, pleasant country, andafter a course of about one hundred and eighty milesempties itself into the Ouabache.

28th, 29th, 30th and 31st.—We traveled still along sidethe Eel River, passing through fine clear woods, and somegood meadows, though not so large as those we passedsome days before. The country is more overgrown withwoods, the soil is sufficiently rich, and well watered withsprings.

August 1st.—We arrived at the carrying place betweenthe River Miames and the Ouabache, which is about ninemiles long in dry seasons, but not above half that lengthin freshes. The head of the Ouabache is about fortymiles from this place, and after a course of about sevenhundred and sixty miles from the head spring, throughone of the finest countries in the world, it empties itselfinto the Ohio. The navigation from hence to Ouicatanon,is very difficult in low water, on account of many rapidsand rifts; but in freshes, which generally happen in thespring and fall, batteaux or canoes will pass, withoutdifficulty, from here to Ouicatanon in three days, whichis about two hundred and forty miles, and by land abouttwo hundred and ten miles. From Ouicatanon to PortVincent, and thence to the Ohio, batteaux and canoes maygo at any season of the year. Throughout the whole course of the Ouabache the banks are pretty high, and inthe river are a great many islands. Many shrubs andtrees are found here unknown to us.

Within a mile of the Twightwee village, I was met bythe chiefs of that nation, who received us very kindly.The most part of these Indians knew me, and conductedme to their village, where they immediately hoisted anEnglish flag that I had formerly given them at Fort Pitt.The next day they held a council, after which they gaveme up all the English prisoners they had, then madeseveral speeches, in all which they expressed the greatpleasure it gave them, to see the unhappy differenceswhich embroiled the several nations in a war with theirbrethren, the English, were now so near a happy conclusion,and that peace was established in their country.

The Twightwee village is situated on both sides of ariver, called St. Joseph's. This river, where it falls intothe Miame river, about a quarter of a mile from thisplace, is one hundred yards wide, on the east side of whichstands a stockade fort, somewhat ruinous.

The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, besides nine or ten French houses, a runaway colony from Detroit, during the late Indian war; they were concerned in it, and being afraid of punishment, came to this post, where ever since they have spirited up the Indians against the English. All the French residing here are a lazy, indolent people, fond of breeding mischief, and spiriting up the Indians against the English, and should by no means be suffered to remain here. The country is pleasant, the soil rich and well watered. After several conferences with these Indians, and their delivering me up all the English prisoners they had,—[blank space in MS.]

On the 6th of August we set out for Detroit, down theMiames river in a canoe. This river heads about tenmiles from hence. The river is not navigable till youcome where the river St. Joseph joins it, and makes aconsiderably large stream. Nevertheless we found agreat deal of difficulty in getting our canoe over shoals,as the waters at this season were very low. The banksof the river are high, and the country overgrown withlofty timber of various kinds; the land is level, and thewoods clear. About ninety miles from the Miames orTwightwee, we came to where a large river, that headsin a large lick, falls into the Miame river; this they callthe Forks.[32] The Ottawas claim this country, and hunthere, where game is very plenty. From hence we proceededto the Ottawa village. This nation formerly livedat Detroit, but is now settled here, on account of therichness of the country, where game is always to be foundin plenty. Here we were obliged to get out of our canoes,and drag them eighteen miles, on account of the riftswhich interrupt the navigation.[33] At the end of theserifts, we came to a village of the Wyondotts, who receivedus very kindly and from thence we proceeded to themouth of the river, where it falls into Lake Erie. Fromthe Miames to the lake is computed one hundred andeighty miles, and from the entrance of the river into thelake to Detroit, is sixty miles; that is, forty-two miles up the lake, and eighteen miles up the Detroit river to thegarrison of that name. The land on the lake side is lowand flat. We passed several large rivers and bays, andon the 16th of August, in the afternoon, we arrived atDetroit river. The country here is much higher thanon the lake side; the river is about nine hundred yardswide, and the current runs very strong. There are severalfine and large islands in this river, one of which is ninemiles long; its banks high, and the soil very good.

17th.—In the morning we arrived at the fort, whichis a large stockade, inclosing about eighty houses, itstands close on the north side of the river, on a high bank,commands a very pleasant prospect for nine miles above,and nine miles below the fort; the country is thick settledwith French, their plantations are generally laid out aboutthree or four acres in breadth on the river, and eightyacres in depth; the soil is good, producing plenty ofgrain. All the people here are generally poor wretches,and consist of three or four hundred French families, alazy, idle people, depending chiefly on the savages fortheir subsistence; though the land, with little labor, producesplenty of grain, they scarcely raise as much as willsupply their wants, in imitation of the Indians, whosemanners and customs they have entirely adopted, andcannot subsist without them. The men, women, andchildren speak the Indian tongue perfectly well. In thelast Indian war the most part of the French were concernedin it, (although the whole settlement had takenthe oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty) theyhave, therefore, great reason to be thankful to the Englishclemency in not bringing them to deserved punishment.Before the late Indian war there resided threenations of Indians at this place: the Putawatimes, whose village was on the west side of the river, about one milebelow the fort; the Ottawas, on the east side, about threemiles above the Fort; and the Wyondotts, whose villagelies on the east side, about two miles below the fort.The former two nations have removed to a considerabledistance, and the latter still remain where they were, andare remarkable for their good sense and hospitality.They have a particular attachment to the Roman Catholicreligion, the French, by their priests, having taken uncommonpains to instruct them.

During my stay here, I held frequent conferences withthe different nations of Indians assembled at this place,with whom I settled matters to their general satisfaction.

August 17th[34]—I arrived at Detroit where I foundseveral small Tribes of Ottawas, Puttewatamies &Chipwas waiting in Consequence of Colo BradstreetsInvitation to see him.[35] Here I met Mr DeCouagne and Wabecomicat with a Deputation of Indians from Niagara,with Messages from Sir William Johnson to Pondiac &those Western Nations.[36]

23d—Colo Campbell[37] & I had a Meeting with the Twightwees, Wawiotonans, Pyankeshas, Kickapoos and Musquattamies, when they produced the several Belts sent them by Col^o Bradstreet, in consequence of whichInvitation they came here.

Then they spoake to the Six Nations Delawares &Shawanese on several Belts & Pipes, beging in the mostabject manner that they would forgive them for the illconduct of their Young Men, to take Pity on their Women& Children & grant ym peace.

They then spoake to the Colo & me on several Pipes &Belts Expressing their great satisfaction at a firm and lastingPeace settled between their Bretheren the English, &the several Indian Nations in this Country, that they sawthe heavy Clouds that hung over their heads for sometime past were now dispersed, and that the Sun shoneclear & bright, & that as their Father the King of England had conquered the French in that [this] Country & taken into his Friendship all the Indian Nations, theyhoped for the future they would be a happy people, &that they should always have reason to call the Englishtheir Fathers & beged we would take pity on their Women & Children, & make up the difference subsistingbetween them and the Shawanese, Delawares & SixNations, and said as they were come here in consequence ofCol^o Bradstreet's Invitation, & that he had not met themthey hoped their Fathers would pity their necessity &give them a little clothing, and a little rum to drink on theroad, as they had come a great way to see their Fathers.Then the Wyondats spoake to the Shawanese, & all theWestern Nations on severall Belts & strings, by whichthey exhorted the several Nations to behave themselveswell to their Fathers the English, who had now takenthem under their Protection, that if they did, they wouldbe a happy People, that if they did not listen to the Councilsof their Fathers, they must take the Consequences,having assured them that all Nations to the Sun risinghad taken fast hold of their Fathers the English by thehand, & would follow their Advice, & do every thing theydesired them, & never would let slip the Chain of Friendshipnow so happily renewed.

August 24th—We had another Meeting with theSeveral Nations, when the Wawiotonans, Twightwees,Pyankeshas, Kickapoos & Musquatamies made severalspeeches to Colo Campbell & me, in presence of all theother Nations, when they promised to become the Childrenof the King of Great Britain & farther acknowledgedthat they had at Ouiatonon before they came there [here]given up the Soverignty of their Country to me for HisMajesty, & promised to support his subjects in takingpossession of all the Posts given up by the French theirformer Fathers, to the English, now their present Fathers,all which they confirmed with a Belt.

25th—We had another meeting with the same Indians,when Col^o Campbell & I made them several speeches in answer to theirs of the 23 & 24th then delivered them aRoad Belt in the name of Sir William Johnson Baronet,to open a Road from the rising to the setting of the Sunwhich we charged them to keep open through theirCountry & cautioned them to stop their Ears against theStorys or idle reports of evil minded People & continueto promote the good Works of Peace, all which they promisedto do in a most sincere manner.

26th—Colo Campbell & I made those Nations somepresents, when after taking leave of us, they sett off fortheir own Country well satisfied.

27th—We had a Meeting with Pondiac & all theOttawa Tribes, Chipwaes & Puttewatamies wth theHurons of this Place & the chiefs of those settled atSandusky & the Miamis River, when we made them thefollowing Speeches.

Children Pondiac & all our Children the Ottawas,Puttewatamies, Chipways & Wyondatts: Weare very glad to see so many of our Children here presentat your Antient Council Fire, which has been neglectedfor some time past, since those high winds has arose &raised some heavy clouds over your Country, I now bythis Belt dress up your Antient Fire & throw some drywood upon it, that the blaze may ascend to the Clouds sothat all Nations may see it, & know that you live inPeace & Tranquility with your Fathers the English.—ABelt.

By this Belt I disperse all the black clouds from over your heads, that the Sun may shine clear on your Women and Children, that those unborn may enjoy the blessings of this General Peace, now so happily settled between your Fathers the English & you & all your younger Bretheren to the Sun setting.—A Belt.

Children: By this Belt I gather up all the Bones ofyour deceased friends, & bury them deep in the ground,that the herbs & sweet flowers of the earth may growover them, that we may not see them any more.—A Belt.

Children: with this Belt I take the Hatchet out ofyour Hands & I pluck up a large tree & bury it deep, sothat it may never be found any more, & I plant the treeof Peace, where all our children may sit under & smoakin Peace with their Fathers.—A Belt.

Children: We have made a Road from the Sun risingto the Sun setting, I desire that you will preserve thatRoad good and pleasant to Travel upon, that we may allshare the blessings of this happy Union. I am sorry tosee our Children dispersed thro' the Woods, I thereforedesire you will return to your Antient Settlements & takecare of your Council Fire which I have now dressed up, &promote the good work of Peace.—A Belt.

After which Wapicomica delivered his Messages fromSir William Johnson to Pondiac & the rest of the severalChiefs.

Aug. 28th—We had a Meeting with Pondiac & the severalNations when Pondiac made the following Speeches.

Father: We have all smoaked out of the Pipe ofPeace its your Childrens Pipe & as the War is all over, &the Great Spirit and Giver of Light who has made theEarth & every thing therein, has brought us all togetherthis day for our mutual good to promote the good Worksof Peace, I declare to all Nations that I had settled myPeace with you before I came here, & now deliver myPipe to be sent to Sir William Johnson that he may knowI have made Peace, & taken the King of England for myFather, in presence of all the Nations now assembled, &whenever any of those Nations go to visit him, they may smoak out of it with him in Peace. Fathers we areoblidged to you for lighting up our old Council Fire forus, & desiring us to return to it, but we are now settledon the Miamis River, not far from hence, whenever youwant us you will find us there ready to wait on you, thereason I choose to stay where we are now settled, is,that we love liquor, and did we live here as formerly, ourPeople would be always drunk, which might occasionsome quarrels between the Soldiers & them, this Fatheris all the reason I have for not returning to our old Settlements,& that we live so nigh this place, that when wewant to drink, we can easily come for it.—Gave a largePipe with a Belt of Wampum tied to it.

Father: Be strong and take pity on us your Childrenas our former Father did, 'tis just the Hunting Season ofour children, our Fathers the French formerly used tocredit his Children for powder & lead to hunt with, Irequest in behalf of all the Nations present that you willspeak to the Traders now here to do the same, my Father,once more I request you will take pity on us & tell yourTraders to give your Children credit for a little powder &lead, as the support of our Family's depend upon it, wehave told you where we live, that whenever you want us &let us know it, we will come directly to you.—A Belt.

Father: You stoped up the Rum Barrel when we came here, 'till the Business of this Meeting[38] was over, as it is now finished, we request you may open the barrelthat your Children may drink & be merry.

August 29^{th}—A Deputation of several Nations settout from Detroit for the Ilinois Country with severalMessages from me & the Wyondats, Six Nations, Delawares,Shawanese & other Nations, in answer to theirsdelivered me at Ouiatonon.

30th—The Chiefs of the several Nations who are settledon the Ouabache returned to Detroit from the RiverRoche, where they had been encamped, & informedCol^o Campbell & me, they were now going off for theirown Country, & that nothing gave them greater pleasure,than to see that all the Western Nations & Tribes hadagreed to a general Peace, & that they should be glad [toknow] how soon their Fathers the English, would takepossession of the Posts in their Country, formerly possessedby their late Fathers the French, to open aTrade for them, & if this could not be done this Fall,they desired that some Traders might be sent to theirVillages to supply them for the Winter, or else theywould be oblidged to go to the Ilinois and apply to theirold Fathers the French for such necessarys as they mightwant.

They then spoke on a Belt & said Fathers, every thingis now settled, & we have agreed to your taking possessionof the posts in our Country. we have been informed,that the English where ever they settle, make the Countrytheir own, & you tell us that when you conquered theFrench they gave you this Country.—That no differencemay happen hereafter, we tell you now the French neverconquered us neither did they purchase a foot of ourCountry, nor have they a right to give it to you, we gavethem liberty to settle for which they always rewarded us, & treated us with great Civility while they had it in theirpower, but as they are become now your people, if youexpect to keep these Posts, we will expect to have properreturns from you.—A Belt.

Septbr 2d—The chiefs of the Wyondatts or Huron, cameto me & said they had spoke last Summer to Sir Will^mJohnson at Niagara about the lands, on which the Frenchhad settled near Detroit belonging to them, & desiredI would mention again to him. they never had sold itto the French, & expected their new Fathers the Englishwould do them justice, as the French were become onePeople with us.—A Belt.

4th—Pondiac with several chiefs of the Ottawas,Chippawaes & Potowatamies likewise complained thatthe French had settled part of their country, which theynever had sold to them, & hoped their Fathers theEnglish would take it into Consideration, & see that aproper satisfaction was made to them. That theirCountry was very large, & they were willing to give upsuch part of it, as was necessary for their Fathers theEnglish, to carry on Trade at, provided they were paidfor it, & a sufficient part of the Country left them to hunt on.—A Belt.

6th—The Sagina Indians came here,[39] & made a speech on a Belt of Wampum expressing their satisfaction on hearing that a general Peace was made with all the Western Nations & with Pondiac, they desired a little Powder, Lead & a few knives to enable them to hunt on their way home, & a little rum to drink their newFathers health.—A Belt.

9thAltewaky and Chamindiway Chiefs of a Bandof Ottawas from Sandusky with 20 Men came here andinformed me that their late conduct had been peaceable,that on hearing there was a great Meeting of all Nationsat this place, they came to hear what would be done, &on their way here they had been informed that a GeneralPeace was settled with all Nations to the Sun setting, &they now came to assure us of their attachment to theEnglish Interest, & beged for some Powder, Lead,some Blankets and a little rum to help them to return totheir town. A String.

Septbr 11th—Colo Campbell & I gave the above partiessome presents & a little rum & sent them away wellsatisfied.

12th—The Grand Sautois[40] came with his band and spoke as follows.

Father: You sent me a Belt from the Miamis, &as soon as I received it, I set off to meet you here, on myway I heard what had past between you & the severalTribes that met you here, you have had pity on them, &I beg in behalf of myself & the people of Chicago thatyou will have pity on us also. 'tis true we have beenFools, & have listened to evil reports, & the whistlingof bad birds, we red people, are a very jealous and foolishpeople, & Father amongst you White People, there arebad people also, that tell us lyes & deceive us, which has been the occasion of what has past, I need not say muchon this head, I am now convinced, that I have beenwrong for some years past, but there are people whohave behaved worse than I & my people, they were pardonedlast year at this place, I hope we may meet withthe same, that our Women & Children may enjoy theblessings of peace as the rest of our Bretheren the redpeople, & you shall be convinced by our future conductthat we will behave as well as any Tribe of Ind^s in thisCountry.—A Belt.

He then said that the St. Joseph Indians would havecome along with him, but the English Prisoner whichtheir Fathers want from them, was some distance off ahunting, & as soon as they could get him in, they woulddeliver him up and desire forgiveness.

14th—I had a private meeting with the grand Sautoiswhen he told me he was well disposed for peace last Fall,but was then sent for to the Ilinois, where he met withPondiac, & that then their Fathers the French toldthem, if they would be strong to keep the English out ofpossession of that Country but this Summer, That theKing of France would send over an Army next Spring, toassist his Children the Indians, and that the King ofSpain would likewise send troops to help them to keepthe English out of their Country, that the English were abad people, & had a design to cut off all the IndianNations in this Country, & to bring the Southern Indiansto live & settle there, this account made all the Indiansvery uneasy in their minds, & after holding a Councilamongst themselves, they all determined to oppose theEnglish, & not to suffer them to take Possession of theIlinois, that for his part he behaved as ill as the rest tothe English Officers that came there in the Spring, but since he had been better informed of the goodness of the English, & convinced the French had told lyes for the love of their Beaver, he was now determined with all his people to become faithfull to their new Fathers the English, & pay no regard to any stories the French should tell him for the future.

Sepr 15th—Colo Campbell & I had a meeting with the Grand Sautois, at which we informed him of every thing that had past with the several Nations & Tribes & told him that we accepted him and his people in Friendship, & would forgive them as we had the rest of the Tribes, & forget what was past provided their future conduct should convince us of their sincerity, after which we gave them some presents, for which he returned thanks & departed very well satisfied.

19th—I received a letter by express from Colo Reed acquainting me of Capt Sterlings setting out from Fort Pitt, with 100 men of the 42d Regt to take possession of Fort Chartres in the Ilinois Country

20th—I sent of[f] Huron Andrew Express to Capt Sterling[41] at the Ilinois, & with messages to the several Nations in that Country & those on the Ouabache, to acquaint them of Capt Starling's departure from Fort Pitt for the Ilinois Country.

25th—The Chiefs of the St Joseph Indians arrived and addressed themselves to Colo Campbell & me as follows,

Fathers: We are come here to see you, altho' we are not acquainted with you, we had a Father formerly, with whom we were very well acquainted, & never differed with him, you have conquered him some time ago, & when you came here first notwithstanding your hands were all bloody, you took hold of us by the hands, & used us well, & we thought we should be happy with our Fathers, but soon an unlucky difference happened, which threw us all in confusion, where this arose we don't know but we assure you, we were the last that entered into this Quarrel, the Inds from this place solicited us often to join them, but we would not listen to them, at last they got the better of our foolish young Warriors, but we never agreed to it, we knew it would answer no end, & often told our Warriors they were fools, if they succeeded in killing the few English in this Country, they could not kill them all because we knew you to be a great People.

Fathers: you have after all that has happened, received all the several Tribes in this Country for your Children, we from St. Joseph's seem to be the last of your Children that come to you, we are no more than Wild Creatures to you Fathers in understanding therefore we request you'l forgive the past follies of our young people & receive us for your Children since you have thrown down our former Father on his back, we have been wandering in the dark like blind people, now you have dispersed all this darkness which hung over the heads of theseveral Tribes, & have accepted them for your Children,we hope you will let us partake with them of the light,that our Women & Children may enjoy Peace, & webeg you'l forget all that is past, by this belt we remove allevil thoughts from your hearts.—A Belt.

Fathers, When we formerly came to visit our lateFathers the French they always sent us home joyfull, &we hope you will have pity on our Women & Young Menwho are in great Want of necessarys, & not let us returnhome to our Villages ashamed.

Colo Campbell & I made them the following answer.

Children: I have heard with attention what youhave said, & am glad to hear that you have delivered upthe Prisoners at Michillimakinac, agreeable to my desire,as the other Prisoner who I always thought belonged toyour Nation does not, but the man who has him residesnow in your Country, I must desire you'l do every thingin your Power to get him brought to me, nothing will giveme greater pleasure than to promote the good Works ofPeace, & make my Children the Indians happy as longas their own Conduct shall deserve it. I did not knowwhat to think of your conduct for some time past, but toconvince you of my sincere desire to promote Peace, Ireceive you as Children as I have done the other Nations, &hope your future Conduct may be such, as will convinceme of your sincerity.—A Belt.

Children: Sometimes bad people take the liberty ofstragling into your Country, I desire if you meet any suchpeople to bring them immediately here, likewise I desirethat none of your Young Men may steal any Horses outof this settlement as they have done formerly, we shallsee always strict justice done to you, & expect the same from you, on that your own happiness depends, & aslong as you continue to merit our friendship by goodactions in promoting Peace & Tranquility between yourYoung People & His Majesties Subjects, you may expectto be received here with open arms, & to convince youfurther of my sincerity, I give you some cloaths, powder,lead, vermillion & 2 cags of rum for your young People,that you may return home without shame as you desired.

Children, I take this oppertunity to tell you that yourFathers the English are gone down the Ohio from FortPitt to take possession the Ilinois, & desire you mayacquaint all your people of it on your return home, & likewisedesire you will stop your Ears against the Whistlingof bad birds, & mind nothing else but your Hunting tosupport your Familys, that your Women & Childrenmay enjoy the Blessing of Peace.—A Belt.

September 26th.[42]—Set out from Detroit for Niagara; passed Lake Erie along the north shore in a birch canoe, and arrived the 8th of October at Niagara. The navigation of the lake is dangerous for batteaux or canoes, by reason the lake is very shallow for a considerable distance from the shore. The bank, for several miles, high and steep, and affords a harbor for a single batteau. The lands in general, between Detroit and Niagara, are high, and the soil good, with several fine rivers falling into the lake. The distance from Detroit to Niagara is computed three hundred miles.

  1. The manuscript of the journal that we here reprint came into the possession of George William Featherstonhaugh, a noted English geologist who came to the United States in the early nineteenth century and edited a geological magazine in Philadelphia. He first published the document therein (The Monthly Journal of American Geology), in the number for December, 1831. It appeared again in a pamphlet, published at Burlington, N. J. (no date); and Mann Butler thought it of sufficient consequence to be introduced into the appendix to his History of Kentucky (Cincinnati and Louisville, 2nd ed., 1836). Another version of this journey (which we may call the official version), also written by Croghan, was sent by Sir William Johnson to the lords of trade, and is published in New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 779-788. Hildreth published a variant of the second (official) version "from an original MS. among Colonel Morgan's papers," in his Pioneer History of the Ohio Valley (Cincinnati, 1848). The two versions supplement each other. The first was evidently written for some persons interested in lands in the Western country—their fertility, products, and general aspects; therefore Croghan herein confines himself to general topographical description, and omits his journey towards the Illinois, his meeting with Pontiac, and all Indian negotiations. The official report, on the other hand, abbreviates greatly the account of the journey and the appearance of the country, and concerns itself with Indian affairs and historical events. We have in the present publication combined the two journals, indicating in foot-notes the important variations; but the bulk of the narrative is a reprint of the Featherstonhaugh-Butler version.With regard to the circ*mstances under which the official journal was transcribed, Johnson makes the following explanation in his letter to the board of trade (New York Colonial Documents, vii, p. 775): "I have selected the principal parts [of this journal] which I now inclose to your Lordships, the whole of his Journal is long and not yet collected because after he was made Prisoner, & lost his Baggage &ca. he was necessitated to write it on Scraps of Paper procured with difficulty at Post Vincent, and that in a disguised Character to prevent its being understood by the French in case through any disaster he might be again plundered."The importance of this journal for the study of Western history has frequently been noted. Parkman used it extensively in his Conspiracy of Pontiac. Winsor in his Critical and Narrative History of America, v, p. 704, note, first pointed out in some detail the differences between the two versions. He errs, however, in confusing the letters Croghan wrote from Vincennes and Ouiatonon. Many secondary authorities also wrongly aver that Croghan on this journey went as far as Fort Chartres.—Ed.
  2. Croghan arrived at Fort Pitt, February 28, 1765, and from then until hisdeparture was constantly occupied with Indian transactions in preparation for his journey. See Pennsylvania Colonial Records, ix, pp. 250-264; also Withers's Early History of Western Pennsylvania, app., pp. 166-179.—Ed.
  3. Little Beaver Creek (near the western border of Pennsylvania) and Yellow Creek (in Ohio) were much frequented by Indians. On the former, Half King had a hunting cabin. Logan, the noted Mingo chief, lived at the mouth of the latter. Opposite, upon the Virginia shore, occurred the massacre of Logan's family (April 30, 1774), which was one of the opening events of Lord Dunmore's War. See Withers's Chronicles of Border Warfare (Thwaites's ed., Cincinnati, 1895), p. 150, notes.—Ed.
  4. The village here described was Mingo Town on Mingo bottom, situatedat the present Mingo Junction, Ohio. It is not to be confused with the Mingo-bottom opposite the mouth of Yellow Creek. The former town was prominentas a rendezvous for border war-parties in the Revolutionary period. From thispoint, started the rabble that massacred the Moravian Indians in 1782. ColonelCrawford set out from here, in May of the same year, on his ill-fated expeditionagainst the Sandusky Indians. See Withers's Chronicles, chap. 13.
    Possibly the chief who joined Croghan at this point was Logan, since the former had known him in his earlier home on the Susquehanna, near Sunbury.—Ed.
  5. Buffalo Creek is in Brooke County, West Virginia, with the town of Wellsburg located at its mouth. The first settlers arrived about 1769. Fat MeatCreek is not identified; from the distances given, it might be Big Grave Creek,in Marshall County, West Virginia, or Pipe Creek, nearly opposite, in BelmontCounty, Ohio.—Ed
  6. The "Long Reach" lies between Fishing Creek and the Muskingum, sixteen and a half miles in a nearly straight line to the southwest.—Ed.
  7. The French called the Muskingum Yanangué-kouan - the river of theTobacco (Petun-Huron) Indians. Céloron (1749) left at the mouth of thisriver, one of his plates, which was found in 1798, and is now in possession ofthe American Antiquarian Society, at Worcester, Massachusetts. Croghanhad frequently been on the Muskingum, where as early as 1750, he had a trading house. The inhabitants at that time appear to have been Wyandots; butafter the French and Indian War the Delawares retreated thither, and builttheir towns on the upper Muskingum. Later, the Moravian missionariesremoved their converts thither, and erected upon the banks of this river theirtowns, Salem, Schönbrunn, and Gnadenhütten. In 1785, Fort Harmar wasplaced at its mouth; and thither, three years later, came the famous colony ofNew England Revolutionary soldiers, under the leadership of Rufus Putnam,which founded Marietta.—Ed.
  8. The Little Kanawha was the terminus of the exploring expedition ofGeorge Rogers Clark and Jones in 1772. They reported unfavorably in regardto the lands; but settlers soon began to occupy them, and they were a part ofthe grant given to Trent, Croghan, and others at the treaty of Fort Stanwix(1768) as a reparation for their losses in the previous wars. About the timeof Croghan's visit, Captain Bull, a well-known Delaware Indian of New York,removed to the Little Kanawha, and in 1772 his village, Bulltown, was the scene of a revolting massacre of friendly Indians by brutal white borderers.—Ed.
  9. Hockhocking is the local Indian name for a bottle-shaped gourd, to which they likened the course of this river. Its chief historical event is connected with Lord Dunmore's War. Nine years after this voyage of Croghan,Dunmore descended the Ohio with his flotilla, and disembarking at the river with his army of regulars and frontiersmen—Clark, Cresap, Kenton, andGirty among the number—marched overland to the Scioto, leaving FortGower here to guard his rear. Signs of the earthwork of this fortification arestill visible. At this place, on the return journey, the Virginia officers of thearmy drew up resolutions of sympathy with the Continental Congress then insession at Philadelphia.—Ed.
  10. The "Big Bend" of the river is that now known as Pomeroy's Bend, from the Ohio town at its upper point. Alum Hill was probably West Columbia, Mason County, West Virginia. See Lewis, History of West Virginia (Philadelphia, 1889), p. 109.—Ed.
  11. The Kanawha takes its name from a tribe of Indians who formerly livedin its valley, but they were destroyed by the Iroquois in the early eighteenthcentury. Céloron called it the Chinondaista, and at its mouth buried a platewhich is now in the museum of the Virginia Historical Society, at Richmond.Gist surveyed here for the Ohio Company in 1752; later, Washington ownedten thousand acres in the vicinity, and visited the spot in 1774. That same year,the battle of Point Pleasant was fought at the mouth of the Kanawha by ColonelAndrew Lewis's division of Lord Dunmore's army; and the succeeding year,Fort Randolph was built to protect the frontiers. Daniel Boone retired hitherfrom Kentucky, and lived in this neighborhood four years (1791-95), before migrating to Missouri.—Ed.
  12. The word Scioto probably signified "deer," although it is said by DavidJones to mean "hairy" river, from the multitude of deer's hairs which floateddown the stream. The valley of the Scioto is famous in Western annals. During the second half of the eighteenth century it was the chief seat of the Shawneeswhose lower, or "Shannoah," town has been frequently mentioned in the Indiantransactions which we have printed. The Shawnees, on their withdrawalup the valley, built the Chillicothe towns, where Pontiac's conspiracy was largelyfomented. These were the starting point of many raids against the Kentuckyand West Virginia settlements. From these villages Mrs. Ingles and Mrs.Dennis made their celebrated escapes in 1755 and 1763 respectively. Duringall the long series of wars closing with Wayne's victory in 1794, the intractableShawnees were among the most dreaded of the Indian enemy.―Ed.
  13. The result of this message in regard to the French traders, is thus givenin the official version of the journal:
    "26th. Several of the Shawanese came there & brought with them 7 French Traders which they delivered to me, those being all that resided intheir Villages, & told me there was just six more living with the Delawares,that on their return to their Towns they would go to the Delawares & get themto send those French Traders home, & told me they were determined to doeverything in their power to convince me of their sincerity & good dispositionto preserve a peace."―Ed.
  14. Big Bone Lick, in Boone County, Kentucky, was visited by the French in the early eighteenth century. It was a landmark for early Kentucky hunters, who describe it in terms similar to those used by Croghan. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, scientists took much interest in the remains of the mammoth (or mastodon)—the "elephant's bones" described by Croghan. Thomas Jefferson and several members of the American Philosophical Society, at Philadelphia, attempted to secure a complete skeleton of this extinct giant; and a number of fossils from the lick were also sent to Europe. Dr. Goforth of Cincinnati undertook an exploration to the lick at his own expense (1803), but was later robbed of the result. The store of huge bones is not yet entirely exhausted, specimens being yet occasionally excavated—the present writer having examined some there in 1894.—Ed.
  15. It is a curious mistake on Croghan's part to designate the Kentucky as the Holston River. The latter is a branch of the Tennessee, flowing through the mountains of Tennessee, North Carolina, and Virginia. Its valley was early settled by Croghan's friends, Scotch-Irish from Pennsylvania. It is probable that, as the Kentucky's waters come from that direction, he had a confused idea of the topography.—Ed.
  16. One of the earliest descriptions of the Falls of the Ohio. Gist wasordered to explore as far as there in 1750, but did not reach the goal. Findlaywas there in 1753. Gordon gives an account similar to Croghan's in 1766.Ensign Butricke made more of an adventure in passing these falls—see Historical Magazine, viii, p. 259. An attempt at a settlement was made by JohnConnolly (1773); but the beginnings of the present city of Louisville are dueto the pioneers who accompanied George Rogers Clark thither in 1778, andmade their first home on Corn Island. For the early history of Louisville,see Durrett, Centenary of Louisville, Filson Club Publications, No. 8 (Louisville, 1893).—Ed.
  17. Colonel Reuben T. Durrett, of Louisville, thinks Croghan "must havemeant Salt River when he spoke of passing Pigeon River during his first day'sjourney after leaving the Falls of the Ohio." The Owl River he identifies withHighland Creek in Kentucky, between the mouths of the Green and Wabashrivers.
    The Wabash River was early considered by the French as one of themost important highways between Canada and Louisiana. Marquette desig-nates it on his map as the Ouabouskiguo, which later Frenchmen corruptedinto Ouabache. The name was also applied to that portion of the Ohio belowthe mouth of the Wabash; but James Logan in 1718 noted the distinction.See Winsor, Mississippi Basin, p. 17. Croghan was probably the first Englishman who had penetrated thus far into the former French territory, exceptFraser, who had preceded him to the Illinois.―Ed.
  18. The Shawnees had formerly dwelt west and south of their habitationson the Scioto. The Cumberland River was known on early maps as the"Shawana River;" and in 1718, they were located in the direction of Carolina.Their migration east and north took place about 1730. The present Illinoistown at this site, is still called Shawneetown.-Ed.
  19. Being able to speak French, Lieutenant Alexander Fraser of the 78thinfantry had been detailed to accompany Croghan. He went in advance ofthe latter, and reached the Illinois, where he found himself in such danger thathe escaped to Mobile in disguise. See Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, ii, pp. 276, 284-286.
    St. Captain Louis St. Ange de Bellerive, was the son of a French officer whocame to Louisiana early in the eighteenth century, and commanded in theIllinois country in 1722 and again in 1733. St. Ange had himself seen muchpioneer service, having been placed in charge of a fort on the Missouri (1736),and having succeeded Vincennes at the post bearing the latter's name.Ange remained at Vincennes until summoned by De Villiers, commandant atFort Chartres, to supersede him there, and spare him the mortification of asurrender to the English. After yielding Fort Chartres to Captain Sterling(October, 1765), St. Ange retired to St. Louis, where he acted as commandant(after 1766, in the Spanish service) until his death in 1774.—Ed.
  20. This man was in reality captured. See Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, ii, p. 289, note.―Ed.
  21. The Kickapoos and Mascoutins were allied Algonquian tribes who were first encountered in Wisconsin; but being of roving habits they ranged all the prairie lands between the Wisconsin and Wabash rivers. In 1712, they were about the Maumee and at Detroit. Charlevoix describes them (1721) as living near Chicago. Being concerned in the Fox wars, they fled across the Mississippi; and again, about the middle of the eighteenth century, were with the Miamis on the Wabash, where they had a town near Fort Ouiatonon. They were always somewhat intractable and difficult to restrain. The remnant of these tribes live on reservations in Kansas and Oklahoma.—Ed.
  22. This branch of the Wabash is now called the Little Wabash River. Theparty must have taken a very circuitous route, else Croghan greatly overesti-mates the distances. Vincennes is about seventy-five miles from the pointwhere they were made prisoners.—Ed.
  23. The date of the founding of Vincennes (Post or Port Vincent) has beenvaryingly assigned from 1702 to 1735; but Dunn, in his Indiana (Boston andNew York, 1888), p. 54, shows quite conclusively that François Margane,Sieur de Vincennes, went thither at the request of Governor Perier of Louisianain 1727, and founded a fort to counteract the designs of the English against theFrench trade. The French colony was not begun until 1735, and the next yearthe commandant Vincennes was captured and burnt by the Chickasaws, whileengaged in an expedition against their country. Louis St. Ange succeeded tothe position of commandant at Vincennes, which he continued to hold until1764, when summoned to the Illinois. He left two soldiers in charge at Vincennes, of whom and their companions Croghan gives this unfavorable account.No English officer appeared to take command at Vincennes until 1777; meanwhile General Gage had endeavored to expel the French inhabitants therefrom(1772-73). It is not surprising, therefore, that they received the Americans underGeorge Rogers Clark (1778), with cordiality; or that after Hamilton's re-capture of the place, they were unwilling to aid the English in maintaining the postagainst Clark's surprise (February, 1779), which resulted in the capture ofHamilton and all the British garrison. After this event, Vincennes becamepart of the Illinois government, until the organization of a Northwest Territoryin 1787.—Ed.
  24. A johannies was a Portuguese coin current in America about this time,worth nearly nine dollars. The Indians, therefore, paid over forty dollars fortheir pound of vermillion.—Ed.
  25. The Piankeshaws were a tribe of the Miamis, who had been settled nearVincennes as long as they had been known to the whites.—Ed.
  26. The entries from July 1 to 18, inclusive, are here inserted from the second (or official) version in the New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 781, 782; hiatuses thererin, are supplied from the hIldreth version. See note 91, ante, p. 126.—Ed.
  27. François Rivard dit Maisonville was a member of one of the first familiesto settle Detroit. He entered the British service at Fort Pitt as an interpreter,accompanying Lieutenant Fraser to the Illinois in that capacity. In 1774,Maisonville was Indian agent on the Wabash with a salary of £100 a year.When George Rogers Clark invaded the Illinois country (1778), Maisonvillecarried the first intelligence of this incursion to Detroit. The next year GeneralHamilton employed him on his advance against Vincennes; but on Clark'sapproach he was captured, while on a scouting party, and cruelly treated bysome of the American partisans. He made one of the party sent to Virginiaas captives, and the following year committed suicide in prison.—Ed.
  28. General Thomas Gage was at this time British commander-in-chief inAmerica, with headquarters at New York. Having come to America withBraddock, he served on this continent for twenty years, in numerous importantoffices. After the surrender of Montreal he was made governor of that cityand province, until in 1763 he superseded Amherst as commander-in-chief, inwhich capacity he served until the outbreak of the Revolution. His part inthe initial battles of that conflict about Boston, where he commanded, is amatter of general history. After his recall to England his subsequent careerwas uneventful. He died as Viscount Gage in 1787.—Ed.
  29. Major William Murray of the 42nd infantry succeeded Colonel HenryBouquet as commandant at Fort Pitt, in the spring of 1765.
    Major Robert Farmer was sent to receive the surrender of Mobile in 1763.For a description by Aubry, the retiring French governor of Louisiana, ofFarmer's character and manner, see Claiborne, History of Mississippi (Jackson, 1880), p. 104. Late in this year that Croghan wrote (1765), Farmerascended the Mississippi with a detachment of the 34th infantry, and took overthe command of the Illinois from Major Sterling, being in turn relieved (1767)by Colonel Edward Cole. Farmer died or retired from the army in 1768.—Ed.
  30. La Guthrie was the interpreter sent with Lieutenant Fraser. Sinnottwas a deputy-agent sent out by Stuart, agent for the Southern department toattempt conciliation in the Illinois. His stores had been plundered, and hehimself having escaped with difficulty from Fort Chartres, sought refuge atNew Orleans. See New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 765, 776.—Ed.
  31. We here again resume the first (Featherstonhaugh-Butler) version of the journal, which continues through August 17.—Ed.
  32. This is the Auglaize River. On the site called the Forks, Wayne builtFort Defiance during his campaign against the Indians (1794).—Ed.
  33. The rapids of the Maumee were famous in the later Indian wars. There,in 1794, the British built Fort Miami, almost within the reach of whose gunsWayne fought the battle of Fallen Timbers. Fort Meigs was the Americanstockade built here during the War of 1812-15; and this vicinity was the sceneof operations during all the Western campaigns ending with Perry's victory onLake Erie, and the re-taking of Detroit.—Ed.
  34. All that follows, until the conclusion of the Indian speeches, is insertedfrom the second (official) version of the journals, found in the New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 781-787.—Ed.
  35. Although English born, Colonel John Bradstreet lived all his mature lifein America, and distinguished himself for his military services in the laterFrench wars.He was in the campaign against Louisburg (1745), and waspromoted for gallantry, and given the governorship of St. John's, Newfoundland. The outbreak of the French and Indian War found him at Oswego,where with great bravery he drove the French back from an attack on a convoy(1756). On the organization of the Royal Americans, Bradstreet becamelieutenant-colonel, and served with Abercrombie at Ticonderoga (1758). Hismost renowned exploit was the capture, the same year, of Fort Frontenac,which severed the connection between Canada and its Western dependencies.After the close of the war, Bradstreet received a colonelcy. When the newsof Pontiac's uprising reached the East, he was detailed to make an expeditioninto the Indian territory by way of Lake Erie. His confidence in Indian promises proved too great; he made peace with the very tribes who went murderingand scalping along the frontiers as soon as his army had passed. Bradstreetwas made a major-general in 1772; but two years later, died in the city of NewYork. The Indians whom Croghan found at Detroit were small bands fromthe north and west, who had not received Bradstreet's message, in time toattend before that officer's departure from Detroit.—Ed.
  36. In the Hildreth version these names are spelled "Duquanee" and "Waobecomica." The former was a Detroit habitant Dequindre, who had broughtmessages from the Illinois to Pontiac during the siege of Detroit. Waobecomicawas a Missassaga chief, well-affected toward the English, whom Johnson hadsent in the spring of 1765 with messages to Pontiac. See New York Colonial Documents, vii, p. 747.—Ed.
  37. This was Lieutenant-colonel Alexander Campbell, formerly commanderof the 95th regiment, who succeeded Major Gladwin in command of Detroit (1764). He is not to be confused with Captain Donald Campbell, the earlier commandant, who was killed by the Indians during Pontiac's conspiracy.—Ed.
  38. There were present at this treaty about thirty chiefs and five hundredwarriors. A list of the tribes is given, and the names of the chiefs. This wasthe last public transaction in which Pondiac was engaged with the English.The year following, in a council with the Indians on the Illinois, this notedchief was stabbed to the heart, by an Indian who had long followed him for thatpurpose.—Hildreth.
    Comment by Ed.—Hildreth is mistaken in calling this the last public transaction of Pontiac. He was at Oswego and treated with Johnson in the spring of 1766. See New York Colonial Documents, vii, pp. 854-867.
  39. The Saginaw Indians were a notoriously turbulent band of Chippewas, who had a village on Saginaw Bay. They had assisted in the siege of Detroit; and going to Mackinac to secure recruits to continue their resistance, they attempted to kill the trader Alexander Henry. See Bain (ed.), Henry's Travels and Adventures (Boston, 1901), pp. 148-152, an admirably-edited work, containing much valuable information.―Ed.
  40. According to Parkman, Le Grand Sauteur was Pontiac's chief coadjutor among the northern Indians in his attack on the English. His Indian namewas Minavavana, and he was considered the author of the plot against Mackinac.This has been since attributed to Match-e-ke-wis, a younger Indian; but LeGrand Sauteur remained an inveterate enemy of the English, and was at lengthstabbed by an English trader. See Henry, Travels, pp. 42-47.—Ed.
  41. Sir Thomas Stirling, Bart., obtained his company in July, 1757, in the 42d, or Royal Highland, regiment, which accompanied Abercromby in 1758, and Amherst in 1759 in their respective expeditions on Lakes George and Champlain; was afterwards detailed to assist at the siege of Niagara, and accompanied Amherst from Oswego to Montreal in 1760. Knox. Captain Stirling was appointed a Major in 1770, and Lieutenant-colonel of the 42d in September, 1771. He was in command of his regiment in the engagement on Staten Island, and in the battle of Brooklyn Heights, in 1776; was afterwards at the storming of Fort Washington and accompanied the expedition against Philadelphia. He became Colonel in the army in 1779, and was Brigadier, under Sir Henry Clinton, in the expedition against Charleston, S. C., in 1780. Beatson. He succeeded Lieutenant-general Frazer as Colonel of the 71st Highlanders, in February, 1782, and in November following, became Major-general. He went on the retired list in 1783, when his regiment was disbanded. In 1796 he was appointed Lieutenant-general; was created a Baronet some time after, and became a General in the army on the first of January, 1801. He died in 1808. Army Lists.—E. B. O'Callaghan.
  42. The entry for September 26, and the list of tribes following, are taken from the Featherstonhaugh-Butler edition of the journal.―Ed.
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